{"id":748755,"date":"2024-06-01T05:20:00","date_gmt":"2024-06-01T02:20:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.capitalfm.co.ke\/news\/?p=748755"},"modified":"2024-05-31T17:27:51","modified_gmt":"2024-05-31T14:27:51","slug":"kenya-at-60-six-key-moments-that-shaped-post-colonial-politics","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.capitalfm.co.ke\/news\/2024\/06\/kenya-at-60-six-key-moments-that-shaped-post-colonial-politics\/","title":{"rendered":"Kenya at 60: six key moments that shaped post-colonial politics"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/theconversation.com\/profiles\/gabrielle-lynch-396810\">Gabrielle Lynch<\/a>, <em><a href=\"https:\/\/theconversation.com\/institutions\/university-of-warwick-1238\">University of Warwick<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Kenya celebrates 60 years of independence this year. As a political scientist who has <a href=\"https:\/\/warwick.ac.uk\/fac\/soc\/pais\/people\/lynch\/\">studied<\/a> Kenya for the past 20 years, I consider a turning point from each decade that helped to shape the east African country\u2019s post-colonial politics. I haven\u2019t selected elections, assassinations or other moments that have enjoyed much coverage over the years. Instead, I turn to often-forgotten moments that shed light on the country\u2019s key steps forward \u2013 and backwards \u2013 and the role of agency and institutions.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" id=\"h-1964-the-lanet-mutiny\">1964: The Lanet mutiny<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>In the 1960s and 1970s, governments across <a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20170808104534id_\/http:\/\/www.jonathanmpowell.com\/uploads\/2\/9\/9\/2\/2992308\/mcgowan_2003jmas_-_african_military_coups_1956-2001-_frequency_trends_and_distribution.pdf\">Africa fell<\/a> to military coups and countercoups. These nations suffered the arbitrary and authoritarian rule of military leaders.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Kenya managed to avoid this fate. A regiment based at Lanet in Nakuru did stage an unsuccessful mutiny in 1964. In response, Kenya\u2019s first president, Jomo Kenyatta \u2013 as Kenyan political scholar Musambayi Katumanga has detailed \u2013 opted to keep the military small. He relied instead on various police units.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Kenyatta also \u201cgradually altered the military\u2019s ethnic composition\u201d, which, at that time, was disproportionately composed of officers from Kalenjin, Kamba, Samburu and Somali communities. He increased the number of co-ethnic Kikuyu, Kenya\u2019s largest and most economically dominant ethnic group.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>These measures helped to ensure the military\u2019s loyalty to the regime. But at a cost. The multiplication of security units undermined control and <a href=\"https:\/\/global.oup.com\/academic\/product\/the-oxford-handbook-of-kenyan-politics-9780192887429?cc=us&amp;lang=en&amp;#\">accountabiliy<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The strategy of ethnic recruitment and promotion reinforced a sense of an ethnically biased state. It was a strategy copied by Kenyatta\u2019s successor, Daniel arap Moi, after a coup attempt in 1982. Kenya\u2019s third president, Mwai Kibaki, also adopted it after the country\u2019s 2007\/8 post-election crisis.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" id=\"h-1976-the-change-the-constitution-movement\">1976: The Change the Constitution Movement<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>By the mid-1970s, Kenyatta was unwell. To prevent the automatic succession of his vice-president, Moi, a group of prominent Kikuyu politicians attempted to change the constitution. Their efforts were unsuccessful. Power transferred peacefully to Moi upon Kenyatta\u2019s death in 1978.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Nevertheless, the attempt had three important legacies:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>the military had once again been kept out of national politics<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>the new president was made acutely aware of the insecurity of his position<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>a popular sense grew of how a Kikuyu elite felt entitled to rule.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" id=\"h-1980-the-crackdown-begins\">1980: The crackdown begins<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>For the first year or so, Moi largely followed in Kenyatta\u2019s footsteps, or \u201cnyayo\u201d in Kiswahili. He blocked any real opposition but left space for broader political debate.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>However, in 1980, Moi\u2019s more authoritarian streak began to show. He banned the Nairobi University Students\u2019 Organisation and deregistered the University Academic Staff Union and Kenya Civil Servants Union. He also ordered ethnicity-based associations to wind up their affairs in the interest of \u201cnational unity\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Authoritarianism came to characterise the 1980s as people were required to follow in Moi\u2019s footsteps.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" id=\"h-1990-timothy-njoya-s-new-year-speech\">1990: Timothy Njoya\u2019s new year speech<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>In November 1991, the Paris Club of donors, an informal group of western creditors, suspended US$350 million in aid to Kenya until political reforms were initiated. The following month, a constitutional amendment was rushed through parliament, paving the way for a return to multi-party elections.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This timeline could mistakenly be taken to suggest that it was donor pressure that forced constitutional reform. But there was already substantive pressure for multi-party politics from within Kenya.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>A tidal change occurred at the dawn of 1990 when, in a new year speech, theologian Timothy Njoya speculated on how much longer Kenya would be a one-party state. Opposition elements \u2013- most notably, religious and civil society leaders, and politicians marginalised from the political centre \u2013- became increasingly vocal in their demands for multi-party politics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>It was these domestic demands \u2013 together with the threat of suspended aid \u2013 that forced Moi\u2019s hand and prompted a return to multi-party politics in the early 1990s. Still, Moi sought to control the transition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" id=\"h-2005-the-constitutional-referendum\">2005: The constitutional referendum<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>In 2002, Kibaki and the National Rainbow Coalition ousted independence party Kanu in a landslide victory. This prompted a moment of great optimism in Kenya.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>However, divisions soon wracked the coalition as reports emerged of corruption scandals and ethnic bias. Promises of constitutional reform were watered down. Popular frustration showed when Kenyans rejected the draft constitution in the 2005 referendum.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The referendum and general elections that followed meant that Kenya was in intense campaign period for over two years. This elongated campaign drew attention to frustrated hopes. It also presented the government as from and for the Kikuyu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The referendum also increased confidence in the electoral commission. This meant that people paid relatively little attention to developments like Kibaki\u2019s unilateral judicial appointments.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Finally, the referendum fostered a sense that the opposition would win the 2007 election unless it was rigged. Together with a problematic election and history of unpunished election-related violence, these factors fuelled Kenya\u2019s greatest post-colonial crisis. More than 1,000 people were killed and almost 700,000 displaced in violence after the 2007 election.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" id=\"h-2011-a-new-chief-justice\">2011: A new chief justice<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>The 2007\/8 crisis paved the way for a new constitution in 2010. Among other things, it devolved power to 47 new county governments. It also established a new bill of rights and created the supreme court. The latter has exclusive jurisdiction to hear and determine presidential election petitions, and determine appeals from the court of appeal. It also determines cases that involve interpretation or application of the constitution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>As the highest court in the land, the leadership of the supreme court is critical. It marked a turning point when Willy Mutunga \u2013- a highly respected human rights advocate \u2013- was appointed as the court\u2019s first chief justice. Some criticise Mutunga for having validated Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto\u2019s election in 2013. However, he also presided over decisions that protected the devolution of power and the bill of rights. And he oversaw reforms and judicial learnings that helped to establish a more independent court. Reforms that \u2013 together with his successor\u2019s brave leadership \u2013 made the supreme court\u2019s annulment of the August 2017 election possible.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The lesson from these moments: individuals can make a difference for good or bad, particularly when they help to reshape the institutions that will outlive them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/theconversation.com\/profiles\/gabrielle-lynch-396810\">Gabrielle Lynch<\/a>, Professor of Comparative Politics, <em><a href=\"https:\/\/theconversation.com\/institutions\/university-of-warwick-1238\">University of Warwick<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This article is republished from <a href=\"https:\/\/theconversation.com\">The Conversation<\/a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href=\"https:\/\/theconversation.com\/kenya-at-60-six-key-moments-that-shaped-post-colonial-politics-208242\">original article<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/counter.theconversation.com\/content\/208242\/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-advanced\" alt=\"The Conversation\" width=\"1\" height=\"1\" style=\"border: none !important;box-shadow: none !important;margin: 0 !important;max-height: 1px !important;max-width: 1px !important;min-height: 1px !important;min-width: 1px !important;padding: 0 !important\" \/>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>In November 1991, the Paris Club of donors, an informal group of western creditors, suspended US$350 million in aid to Kenya until political reforms were initiated. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":14389,"featured_media":717864,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[21],"tags":[],"coauthors":[14926],"class_list":["post-748755","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-featured"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v25.7.1 (Yoast SEO v25.7) - 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